emergence of a fascist fanatical leader--neither a communist nor a democrat, but a demagogue--is the most
dangerous scenario. That's particularly true given Russia's considerable nuclear capability."
A few heads nodded. At least they were listening.
"How did all this happen?" a wiry little man asked. Lord vaguely recalled that he was in computers. "I've never been able to understand how we got to this point."
Lord stepped back toward the front wall. "Russians have always been big on the concept of a national idea. The Russian national character has never been based on individuality or market activity. It's much more spiritual, much deeper."
"Be a whole lot easier if we could Westernize the whole place," one of the men said.
He always bristled at the notion of Westernizing Russia. The nation would never be fully associated with the West, nor exclusively with the East. Instead it was, and always had been, a unique mixture. He believed the smart investor would be the one who understood Russian pride. He explained what he thought, then returned to answering the question.
"The Russian government finally realized it needed something that stood above politics. Something that could be a rallying point for the people. Maybe even a concept they could use to govern. Eighteen months ago, when the Duma put out a call for a national idea along that line, it was surprised with what the Institute of Public Opinion and Market Research brought back.God, Tsar, and Country. In other words, bring back the monarchy. Radical? Certainly. But when the issue was put to a national vote, the people overwhelmingly said yes."
"Why do you think?" one of the men asked.
"I can only give you my opinion. First, there's a real fear of a resurgence of communism. We saw it years ago when Zyuganov challenged Yeltsin and nearly won. But a majority of Russians do not want a return to totalitarianism, and every poll says that. Still, that wouldn't stop a populist from preying on difficult times and sweeping into office with false promises.
"The second reason is more deeply set. The people simply believe the current form of government is incapable of solving the country's problems. And quite frankly, I think they're right. Look at crime. Each one of you, I'm sure, pays protection money to one or moremafiya. You have no choice. Either that or end up going home in a body bag."
He thought again of what happened yesterday, but he said nothing. Hayes had advised him to keep that to himself. The people in this room, he'd warned, were nervous enough without wondering whether their lawyers were now a target.
"There is a pervasive belief that if you're not stealing, you're cheating yourself. Less than twenty percent of the population even bothers to pay taxes. There's almost a total
internal breakdown. It's easy to see why people would believe anything is better than the current situation. But there's also a certain nostalgia with regard to the tsar."
"It's nuts," one of the men voiced. "A damn king."
He understood how Americans viewed autocracy. But the combination of Tatar and Slav that melded into a modern Russian seemed to yearn for autocratic leadership, and it was that battle for supremacy that had kept Russian society sharp through the centuries.
"The nostalgia is easy to understand," he said. "Only in the past decade has the real story about
Nicholas II and his family been told. All across Russia there's a sentiment that what happened in July 1918 was wrong. Russians feel cheated by Soviet ideology, which passed the tsar off as the embodiment of evil."
"Okay, the tsar's coming back--," one of the men started.
"Not exactly," Lord said. "That's a misconception the press doesn't fully understand. That's why Taylor thought this session would be beneficial." He could see he had their full attention. "Theconcept of the tsar is coming back, but there are two questions that need to be answered. Who is to be tsar? And what is the extent of his power?"
"Or her," one of the women said.
He shook his head. "No. Only he. Of that we're sure. Since 1797 Russian law has decreed lineage would pass only through the male line. We assume that law will be maintained."
"Okay," said another man, "answer the two questions."
"The first one is easy. The tsar will be whomever the seventeen representatives of the commission choose. Russians are keen on commissions. Most in the past have been nothing more than rubber stamps for the Soviet Central Committee, but this one will work entirely outside of the government, which isn't all