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and the Democrats under Bryan, shot down by the Supreme Court, agitated for in one campaign after the next, until finally the Republican progressives took it up as the answer to deficits and the tariff mess. Taft, a president who'd failed even to register on Nate's syllabus, was savaged by Ms. Graves as a generally ponderous and ineffectual man.

"But it should not be forgot," she said, "that it was he, who in 1909, stood before Congress and proposed an amendment to the Constitution allowing the government to collect the money."

From an ancient wingback chair losing feathers through the frayed fabric of its cushion, Nate took in the remarkable state of the room. Every surface from the side tables to the mantelpiece and a good portion of the floor was covered in paper: journals, newspapers, magazines, manila folders overflowing with yellowed documents, the piles adorned with everything from coffee mugs to used plates to stray articles of clothing - red wool gloves, a knitted scarf. And everywhere he looked, books: hardbacks, paperbacks, reference volumes, ancient leather-bound spines with peeling gold lettering, atlases, books of art and photography, biographies, novels, histories, some splayed open, others shut over smaller volumes, the overstuffed bookcases themselves standing against the walls like sagging monuments to some bygone age of order, entirely insufficient now to contain this sea of printed matter.

"'An excise tax on the privilege of doing business as an artificial entity.' That's what Taft called the corporation tax." She quoted from a tome open on the coffee table in front of her. "It took another four years before enough states ratified the measure and a bill from Congress could be sent to Wilson. But there it was, the principle established: for the privilege of earning money in this, the people's system, you, the wealthy, will pay.

"Now," she said, warming to her point, "move forward half a century. It's 1964. The Republicans are in disarray, a party in the wilderness, without the White House, Congress, or the Court. The Civil Rights Act has just been passed. And along comes a man named Barry Goldwater. And he's got an idea: make government the enemy."

Almost as remarkable as the sheer quantity of stuff was how completely oblivious to it Ms. Graves appeared to be. She'd made no comment about the condition of the place as she'd led Nate in, letting him clear his own space to sit. It seemed that as far as she was concerned nothing was amiss. And yet, for all the mess she lived in and all her rambling, she didn't strike him as incoherent. In fact, Nate had never heard anyone speak with such conviction, except perhaps his father. Certainly none of his teachers. This was history, after all. And yet she spoke as if she were waging a rhetorical insurgency against the enemies of civilization.

"And look at us now," she continued. "Look at how ingeniously they have coded our politics. Using the same line of attack on our own sovereign authority to suit all their other ends. Of course, over time one begins to imagine connections between the darker forces. But then you say to yourself, No, Charlotte. You're dramatizing, you're giving in to conspiracy. You're satisfying some desire to moralize because, let's be honest, you're nothing but a stack of Eastern prejudices. But then you pick up this" - she scanned the books at her feet, spotted the one she wanted, and opened to an earmarked page - "and you think, well maybe so. But just listen to how they put it. Here's Lee Atwater - you've probably never heard of him - explaining how it worked. 'You start out,' he says, 'in 1954 by saying, "Nigger, nigger, nigger!" By 1968 you can't say "nigger" - that hurts you. Backfires. So you say stuff like forced busing, states' rights, and all that stuff. You're getting so abstract now that you're talking about cutting taxes, and all these things you're talking about are totally economic things and a by-product of them is that blacks get hurt worse than whites.'

"That's what he says," she insisted, clapping the book shut. "And so then you think, I'm not mad. Not at all. Taxes are about race. Like everything else. As if sometime in the sixties the public square in our mind changed colors. From imaginary white to imaginary black. And we've been running from it ever since. As if anything you couldn't fence in or nail to your house were the equivalent of the public pool